Will Africa Remember them on the 50th Anniversary of the OAU/AU?

By Makonnen Ketema

In the past couple of months, we have been hearing about the 50th Anniversary of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) [TO be culminated with various events tomorrow].  A committee has been formed to celebrate the anniversary of the inception of Africa’s continental organization, now known as the African Union (AU). 

As I am not privy to the details, I can only assume that credit will be given to those who made significant contributions to the creation of the OAU; who supported African freedom movement fighters; and contributed to the peaceful settlement of conflicts in Africa.  The former leader of Ethiopia, Emperor Haile Selassie, and his Foreign Minister, the late Ketema Yifru, come to mind. Surely, Africa will not forget their contribution.

Indeed, Ethiopia’s role for the formation of the OAU was significant, to say the least. It was during the early 1960s when Africa was divided into two camps: The Casablanca group and the Monrovia group.  The Casablanca group, led by the charismatic leader, President Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, and the Monrovia group, led by veteran politicians, such as President William Tubman of Liberia and President Namdie  Azikiwe of Nigeria, had become sworn enemies.  Both believed in the concept of African unity, but, yet, had chosen different paths to fulfill the dream.

Truth be told, some leaders were not in speaking terms.  The division had reached a point of no return. It had become personal, with onegroup accusing the other of subversions and assassination attempts.

In one instance, members of the Monrovia group accused a prominent member of the Casablanca group of having a hand in the assassination of Togo’s President Sylvanus Olympio. As one group was plotting to derail the other, the dream of African unity was, slowly but surely, disappearing into the night, taking with it the hopes and dreams of the African people. 

To make matters worse, all the African leaders had joined the bandwagon.  All, but one, had taken sides.

It was during this critical period in the continent’s history that Ethiopia decided to intervene. The-then Foreign Minister, Ketema Yifru, advised the Emperor that Ethiopia should intervene and work to bring the two groups together, thus ending the ever so growing rift. 

Ketema believed that Pan-Africanism was not about the formation of the Casablanca block nor the Monrovia block.  Rather, he believed the true ideals of Pan-Africanism would be better served with the formation of one group, the African group.  Emperor Haile-Selassie eloquently echoed Ethiopia’s position in a speech he delivered in 1962 to the Monrovia group in Lagos, Nigeria;

“Certain developments have occurred in Africa since the irresistible tide of independence swept over this continent which upon superficial examination, have been the cause of concern for the future. We are told that Africa has been split into competing groups, thus inhibiting co-operation among the African States and severely retarding African progress. One hears of the Casablanca Group and the Monrovia Group, of the Conakry and Dakar Declarations, and we are warned that the views and policies of these so-called groups are so antithetical as to make it impossible for them to work together as partners in an enterprise to which all are mutually devoted.”

“But do such hard and fast groupings really exist?  And if certain nations sharing similar views have taken measures to co-ordinate their policies, does this mean that, between these nations and others, there is no possibility of free and mutually beneficial co-operation? Is Africa really fragmented, and has independence been achieved on this great continent only to see the African nations themselves transform differences into divisions?  And are such divisions as already exist, imposed upon us by history and circumstance, to be widened and deepened by our own efforts? Let Us say, first of all, that Ethiopia considers herself a member of one group only -- the African group.”

For the sake of African unity, the Ethiopians would try the unthinkable: Assemble the two groups under one roof.  It would be a difficult venture, but the Ethiopians were convinced that it could be done. 

As the Emperor was late in joining the Lagos Summit, due to his wife’s illness, Ketema Yifru represented him during his absence.  Ketema took matters into his own hands and convinced all the members to have their next meeting in Addis Abeba. 

This would be another Monrovia meeting - or so the members thought.  But Ketema was thinking different.  He was planning on including the Casablanca group in the proposed Addis Abeba meeting. 

To show Ethiopia’s goodwill, he sent a telegram to the Emperor asking him to make a brief appearance in the Lagos meeting to thank the leaders for accepting the invitation to attend the meeting in Addis Ababa.  This is when the Emperor made his “we belong to one group, the Africa group” speech.

Ketema would then propose that the Emperor invite President Ahmed Sekou Toure of Guinea to Ethiopia, who was one of the leading members of the Casablanca group.  The Emperor graciously accepted Ketema’s advice. 
Upon his arrival, the Ethiopians would convince President Sekou Toure that the division was endangering the continent. He agreed and both leaders released a communiqué pleading for the end of the hostilities and declared the Addis Abeba meeting will be an all-out African summit.

Ketema Yifru was tasked on convincing all leaders from both groups to take part in the summit.  He traveled to all of the independent African countries to convince the leaders to participate in the forthcoming Addis Ababa summit. The task at hand was difficult, but in the end, he was able to convince all thirty two Heads of States.  No one had imagined that it would be possible, but members of the Casablanca and Monrovia Groups would converge on Addis Abeba in May 1963, merging to form the Organization of African Unity.

Incidentally, Ketema Yifru had proposed the creation of a regional Organization of African States in the 1961 United Nations General Assembly.  He had said, “we call upon our sister states in Africa to join in the creation, under Article 52 of the United Nations Charter, of a regional Organization of African States, the basic and fundamental task of which will be to furnish the mechanism whereby problems which arise on the continent and which are of primary interest to the region could, in the first instance, be dealt by Africans, in an African forum, free from outside influence and pressure.”

Some have suggested that the Casablanca and the Monrovia group resolved their differences by themselves and jetted to Addis Abeba to create the OAU.  However, nothing can be further from the truth.  The fact remains that it was Emperor Haile Selassie and Foreign Minister Ketema Yifru’s herculean diplomatic efforts that made this possible. 

Former Ambassador Ayalew Mandefro in an article headlined, “Farewell! Ketema Yifru” wrote, “It was the cumulative experiences he gained from such meetings that helped Ketema most in playing a leading role in the African political landscape of the sixties during which Ethiopia was crowned to seat  the headquarters of the Organization of African Unity. It was an enviable prize with which Ketema was closely identified after competing with oil rich Nigeria, mineral wealthy Zaire and French backed Senegal.”

Recently, I read a dissertation, written by Belete Belachew, detailing Ethiopia’s involvement in the creation of the OAU.  I was deeply touched to read an excerpt of a telegram written to Ketema Yifru by the staff of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MoFA) in 1964 regarding the declarations of the Cairo Summit.  The Heads of State had accepted the Dakar Foreign Minister’s Conference recommendations that Addis Abeba become the headquarters of the OAU.  The excerpt reads, “We, the entire staff of the MoFA, would like to express our heartfelt happiness on the successful completion of the mission, for the attainment of which you [Ketema] had sustained a sleepless and very taxing ordeal.”

In the 1960s, Ethiopia would also become the leading supporter of African freedom movement fighters.  The Ethiopians provided funds to freedom fighters and they also awarded scholarships and military training to their brothers who were trying to rid themselves of colonial rule. 

A good example of this was Nelson Mandela. Mandela had his military training in Ethiopia and was also traveling with an Ethiopian passport.  The contribution of the Ethiopians was well noted by Mandela in his book entitled, “Long Walk to Freedom.”  Mandela had also kept mementos from his days in Ethiopia. To quote former Ambassador Ayalew Mandefro “some thirty years ago, when the white South African police apprehended Nelson Mandela, two articles were confiscated from his pocket: one was the memento from Emperor Haile Selassie and the other was a small photo of Ketema Yifru which Mandela kept from his days in Ethiopia.”

Ambassador Ayalew reflecting on Ketema’s contribution to the liberation of colonial Africa wrote, “It was he, more than any other Ethiopian Foreign Minister in memory, who diligently supported African freedom movement fighters during their trying periods of political struggles en-route to independence. Taking arduous trips throughout Africa, it was Ketema's unending diplomatic initiatives in Africa, not to mention his other efforts outside Africa that helped Ethiopia achieve a most successful foreign policy during the eventful period of the sixties.”

The Ethiopians would also push for the final end of colonialism in the highest international forum.  Ketema voiced his government’s stand in his speech at the 1961 United Nations General Assembly, “We feel certain that this struggle in which so many of us have participated will come to a triumphant conclusion. In order to ensure that the final stages of this development are not delayed or hindered, we urge, in the words of the Declaration adopted by the Conference of Non-Aligned States at Belgrade, and I quote, « The immediate, unconditional, total and final abolition of colonialism... » We can settle for no less and will be satisfied with nothing else.”

During the 1960s and early 1970s, Ethiopia played a leading role in solving conflicts around the continent of Africa. The Ethiopian government under the leadership of Emperor Haile-Selassie, assisted by his Foreign Minister Ketema Yifru, played a leading role in resolving the 1963 Algeria-Morocco Conflict; Nigerian civil war; Congolese conflict in Katanga; and the Sudanese civil war.

Their effort in helping their continent was duly noted by their fellow Africans.  The Emperor was given the name “Father of Africa” and Ketema’s name became a household name in Africa.  Ambassador Ayalew, for instance, wrote, “In fact, for a long time, Ketema Yifru was a household name that appeared daily with high regard and affection in the news media throughout Africa.”

A former Liberian Information Minister once wrote me, “As a young Liberian living in Monrovia and obsessed with one day becoming a radio newscaster, Ketema Yifru was one of the names I used to like to pronounce.”

Gwendolyn Carter in her book titled, "National Unity and Regionalism in Eight African States," which was published in 1966, reflecting on the Ethiopian contribution to the creation of the OAU wrote, "what Nasser or Nkrumah or the Casablanca or Monrovia or Brazzaville grouping could not do, Haile-Selassie accomplished with little difficulty."

Indeed, the Emperor and his Foreign Minister played a leading role in ridding their continent of colonial rule and they were actively involved in finding peaceful solutions to several conflicts in Africa.  The continent was grateful for their efforts in the 1960s. 

The question now remains: Will the new generation of Africans remember them on the 50th Anniversary of the founding of the OAU?

 Makonnen Ketema is the son of the Ketema Yifru. He can be reached at mkyifru@gmail.com.

At least 5 dies as boat capsizes at Lake Tana 

Worku Belachew 

Addis Ababa- A boat heading for Delgi boarding 100 individuals including a one and half year old baby drowned as Fasileses (Name of the boat) capsized Monday evening.

The baby survives with no harm while her father and mother died due to the accident.

According to local police officer, Master sergeant Tilahun Sisay, four men and a lady died soon after the accident and another 16 have sustained serious and minor injuries.  

More than 80 people rescued with efforts from nearby residents.

The cause of the accident is under investigation. But, some estimated that the boat  Fasiledes, which  belonged to the state owned Lake Transport Enterprise, was said to be not in a good form, although officials said they were still not certain why it tipped over.

Nyerere: "Without unity, there is no future for Africa"
 

“My generation led Africa to political freedom. The current generation of leaders and peoples of Africa must pick up the flickering torch of African freedom, refuel it with their enthusiasm and determination, and carry it forward,” said Tanzania’s first president, Julius Nyerere, one of the founding fathers of the OAU, in a speech given in Accra on the occasion of Ghana’s 40th independence anniversary celebrations on 6 March 1997. This piece is extracted from that speech.

In May 1963, 32 independent African states met in Addis Ababa, founded the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), and established the Liberation Committee of the new organisation, charging it with the duty of coordinating the liberation struggle in those parts of Africa still under colonial rule. The following year, 1964, the OAU met in Cairo [Egypt]. The Cairo Summit is remembered mainly for the declaration of the heads of state of independent Africa to respect the borders inherited from colonialism. The principle of non-interference in internal affairs of member states of the OAU had been enshrined in the [OAU] Charter itself. Respect for the borders inherited from colonialism came from the Cairo Declaration of 1964.
In 1965, the OAU met in Accra [Ghana]. That summit is not as well remembered as the founding summit in 1963 or the Cairo Summit of 1964. The fact that Nkrumah did not last long as head of state of Ghana after that summit may have contributed to the comparative obscurity of that important summit. But I want to suggest that the reason why we do not talk much about [the 1965] summit is probably psychological: it was a failure. That failure still haunts us today.
The founding fathers of the OAU had set themselves two major objectives: the total liberation of our continent from colonialism and settler minorities, and the unity of Africa. The first objective was expressed through the immediate establishment of the Liberation Committee by the founding summit [of 1963]. The second objective was expressed in the name of the organisation –the Organisation of African Unity. Critics could say that the [OAU] Charter itself, with its great emphasis on the sovereign independence of each member state, combined with the Cairo Declaration on the sanctity of the inherited borders, make it look like the “Organisation of African Disunity”. But that would be carrying criticism too far and ignoring the objective reasons which led to the principles of non-interference in the Cairo Declaration. What the founding fathers – certainly a hardcore of them – had in mind was a genuine desire to move Africa towards greater unity. We loathed the balkanisation of the continent into small unviable states, most of which had borders which did not make ethnic or geographical sense.
The Cairo Declaration was promoted by a profound realisation of the absurdity of those borders. It was quite clear that some adventurers would try to change those borders by force of arms. Indeed, it was already happening. Ethiopia and Somalia were at war over inherited borders.
Nkrumah was opposed to balkanisation as much as he was opposed to colonialism in Africa. To him and to a number of us, the two – balkanisation and colonialism –were twins. Genuine liberation of Africa had to attack both twins. A struggle against colonialism must go hand in hand with a struggle against the balkanisation of Africa. Kwame Nkrumah was the great crusader of African unity. He wanted the Accra Summit of 1965 to establish a union government for the whole of independent Africa. But we failed. The one minor reason is that Kwame, like all great believers, underestimated the degree of suspicion and animosity which his crusading passion had created among a substantial number of his fellow heads of state. The major reason was linked to the first: already too many of us had a vested interest in keeping Africa divided.
East AfricaIn May 1963, 32 independent African states met in Addis Ababa, founded the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), and established the Liberation Committee of the new organisation, charging it with the duty of coordinating the liberation struggle in those parts of Africa still under colonial rule. The following year, 1964, the OAU met in Cairo [Egypt]. The Cairo Summit is remembered mainly for the declaration of the heads of state of independent Africa to respect the borders inherited from colonialism. The principle of non-interference in internal affairs of member states of the OAU had been enshrined in the [OAU] Charter itself. Respect for the borders inherited from colonialism came from the Cairo Declaration of 1964.
In 1965, the OAU met in Accra [Ghana]. That summit is not as well remembered as the founding summit in 1963 or the Cairo Summit of 1964. The fact that Nkrumah did not last long as head of state of Ghana after that summit may have contributed to the comparative obscurity of that important summit. But I want to suggest that the reason why we do not talk much about [the 1965] summit is probably psychological: it was a failure. That failure still haunts us today.
The founding fathers of the OAU had set themselves two major objectives: the total liberation of our continent from colonialism and settler minorities, and the unity of Africa. The first objective was expressed through the immediate establishment of the Liberation Committee by the founding summit [of 1963]. The second objective was expressed in the name of the organisation –the Organisation of African Unity. Critics could say that the [OAU] Charter itself, with its great emphasis on the sovereign independence of each member state, combined with the Cairo Declaration on the sanctity of the inherited borders, make it look like the “Organisation of African Disunity”. But that would be carrying criticism too far and ignoring the objective reasons which led to the principles of non-interference in the Cairo Declaration. What the founding fathers – certainly a hardcore of them – had in mind was a genuine desire to move Africa towards greater unity. We loathed the balkanisation of the continent into small unviable states, most of which had borders which did not make ethnic or geographical sense.
The Cairo Declaration was promoted by a profound realisation of the absurdity of those borders. It was quite clear that some adventurers would try to change those borders by force of arms. Indeed, it was already happening. Ethiopia and Somalia were at war over inherited borders.
Nkrumah was opposed to balkanisation as much as he was opposed to colonialism in Africa. To him and to a number of us, the two – balkanisation and colonialism –were twins. Genuine liberation of Africa had to attack both twins. A struggle against colonialism must go hand in hand with a struggle against the balkanisation of Africa. Kwame Nkrumah was the great crusader of African unity. He wanted the Accra Summit of 1965 to establish a union government for the whole of independent Africa. But we failed. The one minor reason is that Kwame, like all great believers, underestimated the degree of suspicion and animosity which his crusading passion had created among a substantial number of his fellow heads of state. The major reason was linked to the first: already too many of us had a vested interest in keeping Africa divided.
East Africa
Prior to the independence of Tanganyika, I had been advocating that East African countries should federate and then achieve independence as a single political unit. I had said publicly that I was willing to delay Tanganyika’s independence in order to enable all the three mainland countries to achieve their independence together as a single federated state. I made the suggestion because of my fear – proved correct by later events – that it would be very difficult to unite our countries if we let them achieve independence separately.
Once you multiply national anthems, national flags and national passports, seats of the United Nations, and individuals entitled to a 21-gun salute, not to speak of a host of ministers, prime ministers and envoys, you would have a whole army of powerful people with vested interests in keeping Africa balkanised. That was what Nkrumah encountered in 1965. After the failure to establish the union government at the Accra Summit, I heard one head of state express with relief that he was happy to be returning home to his country still head of state. To this day, I cannot tell whether he was serious or joking.
But he may well have been serious, because Kwame Nkrumah was very serious and the fear of a number of us of losing our precious status was quite palpable. But I never believed that the 1965 Accra Summit would have established a union government for Africa. When I say that we failed, that is not what I mean; for that clearly was an unrealistic objective for a single summit.
What I mean is that we did not even discuss a mechanism for pursuing the objective of a politically united Africa. We had a Liberation Committee already. We should have at least had a Unity Committee or undertaken to establish one. We did not. And after Kwame Nkrumah was removed from the African scene, nobody took up the challenge again.
Confession and plea
So my remaining remarks have a confession and a plea. The confession is that we of the first generation leaders of independent Africa have not pursued the objective of African unity with vigour, commitment and [the] sincerity that it deserved. Yet that does not mean that unity is now irrelevant. Does the experience of the last three or four decades of Africa’s independence dispel the need for African unity?
With our success in the liberation struggle, Africa today has 53 independent states, 21 more than those which met in Addis Ababa in May 1963. [With South Sudan’s independence in 2011, Africa now has 54 independent states.] If numbers were horses, Africa today would be riding high! Africa would be the strongest continent in the world, for it occupies more seats in the UN General Assembly than any other continent.
Yet the reality is that ours is the poorest and weakest continent in the world. And our weakness is pathetic. Unity will not end our weakness, but until we unite, we cannot even begin to end that weakness. So this is my plea to the new generation of African leaders and African peoples: work for unity with the firm conviction that without unity, there is no future for Africa. That is, of course, assuming that we still want to have a place under the sun. I reject the glorification of the nationstate [that] we inherited from colonialism, and the artificial nations we are trying to forge from that inheritance. We are all Africans trying very hard to be Ghanaians or Tanzanians. Fortunately for Africa, we have not been completely successful.
The outside world hardly recognises our Ghanaianness or Tanzanian-ness. What the outside world recognises about us is our Africanness. Hitler was a German, Mussolini was an Italian, Franco was a Spaniard, Salazar was Portuguese, Stalin was a Russian or a Georgian. Nobody expected Churchill to be ashamed of Hitler. He was probably ashamed of Chamberlain. Nobody expected Charles de Gaulle to be ashamed of Hitler, he was probably ashamed of the complicity of Vichy. It is the Germans and Italians and Spaniards and Portuguese who feel uneasy about those dictators in their respective countries.
Not so in Africa. Idi Amin was in Uganda but of Africa. Jean Bokassa was in Central Africa but of Africa. Some of the dictators are still alive in their respective countries, but they are all of Africa. They are all Africans, and all perceived by the outside world as Africans.
When I travel outside Africa, the description of me as a former president of Tanzania is a fleeting affair. It does not stick. Apart from the ignorant who sometimes asked me whether Tanzania was in Johannesburg, even to those who knew better, what stuck in the minds of my hosts was the fact of my African-ness.
So I had to answer questions about the atrocities of the Amins and Bokassas of Africa. Mrs [Indira] Ghandi [the former Indian prime minister] did not have to answer questions about the atrocities of the Marcoses of Asia. Nor does Fidel Castro have to answer questions about the atrocities of the Somozas of Latin America.
But when I travel or meet foreigners, I have to answer questions about Somalia, Liberia, Rwanda, Burundi and Zaire, as in the past I used to answer questions about Mozambique, Angola, Zimbabwe, Namibia or South Africa.
And the way I was perceived is the way most of my fellow heads of state were perceived. And that is the way you [the people of Africa] are all being perceived. So accepting the fact that we are Africans, gives you a much more worthwhile challenge than the current desperate attempts to fossilise Africa into the wounds inflicted upon it by the vultures of imperialism. Do not be proud of your shame. Reject the return to the tribe, there is richness of culture out there which we must do everything we can to preserve and share.
But it is utter madness to think that if these artificial, unviable states which we are trying to create are broken up into tribal components and we turn those into nation-states we might save ourselves. That kind of political and social atavism spells catastrophe for Africa. It would be the end of any kind of genuine development for Africa. It would fossilise Africa into a worse state than the one in which we are.
The future
The future of Africa, the modernisation of Africa that has a place in the 21st century, is linked with its decolonisation and detribalisation. Tribal atavism would be giving up any hope for Africa. And of all the sins that Africa can commit, the sin of despair would be the most unforgivable.
Reject the nonsense of dividing the African peoples into Anglophones, Francophones, and Lusophones. This attempt to divide our peoples according to the language of their former colonial masters must be rejected with the firmness and utter contempt that it richly deserves.
The natural owners of those wonderful languages are busy building a united Europe. But Europe is strong even without unity. Europe has less need of unity, and the strength that comes from unity, than Africa.
A new generation of self-respecting Africans should spit in the face of anybody who suggests that our continent should remain divided and fossilised in the shame of colonialism, in order to satisfy the national pride of our former colonial masters. Africa must unite! That was the title of one of Kwame Nkrumah’s books. That call is more urgent today than ever before.
Together, we, the peoples of Africa will be incomparably stronger internationally than we are now with our multiplicity of unviable states. The needs of our separate countries can be, and are being, ignored by the rich and powerful. The result is that Africa is marginalised when international decisions affecting our vital interests are made. Unity will not make us rich, but it can make it difficult for Africa and the African peoples to be disregarded and humiliated. And it will, therefore, increase the effectiveness of the decisions we make and try to implement for our development.
My generation led Africa to political freedom. The current generation of leaders and peoples of Africa must pick up the flickering torch of African freedom, refuel it with their enthusiasm and determination, and carry it forward.

Prior to the independence of Tanganyika, I had been advocating that East African countries should federate and then achieve independence as a single political unit. I had said publicly that I was willing to delay Tanganyika’s independence in order to enable all the three mainland countries to achieve their independence together as a single federated state. I made the suggestion because of my fear – proved correct by later events – that it would be very difficult to unite our countries if we let them achieve independence separately.
Once you multiply national anthems, national flags and national passports, seats of the United Nations, and individuals entitled to a 21-gun salute, not to speak of a host of ministers, prime ministers and envoys, you would have a whole army of powerful people with vested interests in keeping Africa balkanised. That was what Nkrumah encountered in 1965. After the failure to establish the union government at the Accra Summit, I heard one head of state express with relief that he was happy to be returning home to his country still head of state. To this day, I cannot tell whether he was serious or joking.
But he may well have been serious, because Kwame Nkrumah was very serious and the fear of a number of us of losing our precious status was quite palpable. But I never believed that the 1965 Accra Summit would have established a union government for Africa. When I say that we failed, that is not what I mean; for that clearly was an unrealistic objective for a single summit.
What I mean is that we did not even discuss a mechanism for pursuing the objective of a politically united Africa. We had a Liberation Committee already. We should have at least had a Unity Committee or undertaken to establish one. We did not. And after Kwame Nkrumah was removed from the African scene, nobody took up the challenge again.
Confession and plea
So my remaining remarks have a confession and a plea. The confession is that we of the first generation leaders of independent Africa have not pursued the objective of African unity with vigour, commitment and [the] sincerity that it deserved. Yet that does not mean that unity is now irrelevant. Does the experience of the last three or four decades of Africa’s independence dispel the need for African unity?
With our success in the liberation struggle, Africa today has 53 independent states, 21 more than those which met in Addis Ababa in May 1963. [With South Sudan’s independence in 2011, Africa now has 54 independent states.] If numbers were horses, Africa today would be riding high! Africa would be the strongest continent in the world, for it occupies more seats in the UN General Assembly than any other continent.
Yet the reality is that ours is the poorest and weakest continent in the world. And our weakness is pathetic. Unity will not end our weakness, but until we unite, we cannot even begin to end that weakness. So this is my plea to the new generation of African leaders and African peoples: work for unity with the firm conviction that without unity, there is no future for Africa. That is, of course, assuming that we still want to have a place under the sun. I reject the glorification of the nationstate [that] we inherited from colonialism, and the artificial nations we are trying to forge from that inheritance. We are all Africans trying very hard to be Ghanaians or Tanzanians. Fortunately for Africa, we have not been completely successful.
The outside world hardly recognises our Ghanaianness or Tanzanian-ness. What the outside world recognises about us is our Africanness. Hitler was a German, Mussolini was an Italian, Franco was a Spaniard, Salazar was Portuguese, Stalin was a Russian or a Georgian. Nobody expected Churchill to be ashamed of Hitler. He was probably ashamed of Chamberlain. Nobody expected Charles de Gaulle to be ashamed of Hitler, he was probably ashamed of the complicity of Vichy. It is the Germans and Italians and Spaniards and Portuguese who feel uneasy about those dictators in their respective countries.
Not so in Africa. Idi Amin was in Uganda but of Africa. Jean Bokassa was in Central Africa but of Africa. Some of the dictators are still alive in their respective countries, but they are all of Africa. They are all Africans, and all perceived by the outside world as Africans.
When I travel outside Africa, the description of me as a former president of Tanzania is a fleeting affair. It does not stick. Apart from the ignorant who sometimes asked me whether Tanzania was in Johannesburg, even to those who knew better, what stuck in the minds of my hosts was the fact of my African-ness.
So I had to answer questions about the atrocities of the Amins and Bokassas of Africa. Mrs [Indira] Ghandi [the former Indian prime minister] did not have to answer questions about the atrocities of the Marcoses of Asia. Nor does Fidel Castro have to answer questions about the atrocities of the Somozas of Latin America.
But when I travel or meet foreigners, I have to answer questions about Somalia, Liberia, Rwanda, Burundi and Zaire, as in the past I used to answer questions about Mozambique, Angola, Zimbabwe, Namibia or South Africa.
And the way I was perceived is the way most of my fellow heads of state were perceived. And that is the way you [the people of Africa] are all being perceived. So accepting the fact that we are Africans, gives you a much more worthwhile challenge than the current desperate attempts to fossilise Africa into the wounds inflicted upon it by the vultures of imperialism. Do not be proud of your shame. Reject the return to the tribe, there is richness of culture out there which we must do everything we can to preserve and share.
But it is utter madness to think that if these artificial, unviable states which we are trying to create are broken up into tribal components and we turn those into nation-states we might save ourselves. That kind of political and social atavism spells catastrophe for Africa. It would be the end of any kind of genuine development for Africa. It would fossilise Africa into a worse state than the one in which we are.
The future
The future of Africa, the modernisation of Africa that has a place in the 21st century, is linked with its decolonisation and detribalisation. Tribal atavism would be giving up any hope for Africa. And of all the sins that Africa can commit, the sin of despair would be the most unforgivable.
Reject the nonsense of dividing the African peoples into Anglophones, Francophones, and Lusophones. This attempt to divide our peoples according to the language of their former colonial masters must be rejected with the firmness and utter contempt that it richly deserves.
The natural owners of those wonderful languages are busy building a united Europe. But Europe is strong even without unity. Europe has less need of unity, and the strength that comes from unity, than Africa.
A new generation of self-respecting Africans should spit in the face of anybody who suggests that our continent should remain divided and fossilised in the shame of colonialism, in order to satisfy the national pride of our former colonial masters. Africa must unite! That was the title of one of Kwame Nkrumah’s books. That call is more urgent today than ever before.
Together, we, the peoples of Africa will be incomparably stronger internationally than we are now with our multiplicity of unviable states. The needs of our separate countries can be, and are being, ignored by the rich and powerful. The result is that Africa is marginalised when international decisions affecting our vital interests are made. Unity will not make us rich, but it can make it difficult for Africa and the African peoples to be disregarded and humiliated. And it will, therefore, increase the effectiveness of the decisions we make and try to implement for our development.
My generation led Africa to political freedom. The current generation of leaders and peoples of Africa must pick up the flickering torch of African freedom, refuel it with their enthusiasm and determination, and carry it forward.

Neither bribe nor lose your right !

BY WORKU BELACHEW

Some years ago, many people got a shockwave following the news of former Benishangul-Gumuz state chief corruption scandal. When such senior public figures trade honesty and pride that the public paid to them for a silly greediness, it is not unusual to hold a breath for some seconds. Worse, as the thing coincide with the period that the country and its citizens are tightly engaged in development endeavors.

People in such position have all the awareness as to how individual greediness acutely damages the ongoing fast track development. It is too difficult to tell them how corruption is a deadly disease. Words lack power to concretize how deep is the pain of corruption.

I remember what a friend said by the time the above news broadcast by the major media found in the country, “worse comes to worst, as senior government officials manipulate their power to suck the little blood that gives life for the thin body, just to fatten themselves and invest on luxury.” He went on to say, “imagine how many children go to school each day without breakfast and lunch box. If you serve as a teacher, you will know what this exactly means.” No confusion, thousands of parents could not afford the insignificant cost for pencil. For our society, health centers are still luxury. But, such individuals who run public offices use the meager public money to full their own belly.

Of late, another news echoed in everyone's home. The case of alleged grand corruption of Custom and Revenue minister and others. In fact, their case is in a court proceeding which many are eager to know the decision of the court in the coming days. Meanwhile, the Federal Anti-corruption Commission of Ethiopia is announcing that same fights against corruption will keep their momentum.

In fact, it is common to hear a phrase 'corruption is everywhere'. I heard from one senior guy who tried to indoctrinate his audience at a meeting. He said, “in other countries [may be in developed ones?] corrupt individuals do not compromise quality.” He went on to say, “if they are to build new road, they do it meeting the desired standards but may trim down some inches from the original size [design] to puff up their pocket per kilometers.” And he finally concluded that it is better to compromise quantity than quality.

There is no need to make an overnight argument to prove or disprove the above lame argument. Theft is theft. We cannot make one form of theft sacred and the other cursed. No one dare to counter argue this guy rather it created a hall-wide laughter for him as if he speaks something witty. This may serve to showcase how such mentalities have already taken roots in our society. From a wereda level to hither government institutions symptom of corrupt practices are rampant. Be' jehi hid [approach him with bribes] is the common saying. It is like “Who greases his way travels easily.” It is also said in the margins that brokers who facilitate bribes exist every where public services are rendered, if you persist in “Neither bribe nor lose thy right” stand the brokers tell you that you are Far'ha [not wise ].

Be it reducing an inch or compromising quality or you name it, they all harm the society, directly or indirectly.

School building and hospitals with poor quality directly affect each and everyone who uses them. The resources which could have been allocated for improving the quality of education or health will be employed for maintenance. The road that is expected to foster mobility, will end up being an impediment for traffic and make people to lose their lives as well as properties due to road traffic accidents, for instance.

Yes, the indirect impairment it brings to the society would be more dangerous, I believe. Why do people sweat for extended years while shortcuts can take them to their destination. Completing high school, joining universities, working hard ... would lack taste. Obviously due to the impact of corruption. It is unwise to think that people can get courage in a situation when their fellows enjoy success only because they know key officials at every sectors so that they can accumulate wealth without sweating. Creativity, innovation or entrepreneurship or whatever would be only remain on sheet of paper. And this could be more fatal than the former.

A person who rather preferred anonymity told me when the news of the alleged grand corruption case broadcast recently that, “A mere observation is enough to understand the level of corruption here, I do not think that the luxury vehicles you may not see in Europe roam in Ethiopian roads are the results of hard work. Someone who lives solely on their own sweat is too reluctant to throw his/ her wealth on such luxuries.” This guy also included his experience, “I worked here for over a decade plus years but I have no house or car ... is that my mistake?” he questions.

Actually the reason why everyone should fight against this societal evil is to minimize both the direct and indirect harms of corruption. As unity is strength, the task to fight against the menace falls on the shoulder of both the society and government. The current shocking wave pertaining to the alleged accusation of senior government officials including Melaku Fenta, can give the fight against corruption a new momentum.

It is not because, some of them are senior officials, but it rings a cautious sound on the mind of each corrupt guys who are trying to cripple the nations development. And may give them a good lesson that their acts that is curtained temporarily would be exposed in broad light. No doubt, to day the corrupts deeds may be discussed at margins, but time will definitely come to talk it on major media as has been witnessed of late.

More importantly, the new face of fighting corruption that worth appreciation is the wealth accumulated as a result of corruption is entering to the rightful owners' account, public. Being that the fact, fossilizing how corruptness harms a society should be at the heart of the efforts of fighting corruption. Everyone should vividly comprehend the long term benefits of common good than rushing for short-lived individual gains.

Being that the case, any service need to be delivered to anyone without bribes, late alone in terms of money there is no need even to salute those in public offices for the service they render because that is the reason which keeps them at the offices. But in real cases, it is customers who give excess respect to officers. It is hard to conclude that late business process re engineering has broken this trend. Anyway, getting services is a right. And citizens need to join hands to claim their rights than exposing themselves for corrupts who lead their deluxe lives at the expense of the public. No doubt, the fight against corrupt officers need to start at grass roots and spread to top level.

Pity on the eve

BY WORKU BELACHEW

You have to meet the expense of the holiday, almost at hand: You are only twenty some hours away from coming Easter. Is not this a matter of worry? Indeed, it is. Because holidays have all the authorities to persuade anyone and would do anything to feast the day with various foodstuffs. For a grand holiday like Easter killing sheep could not be too much. Would it be? …with anyone’s standards, including flock of sheep’s themselves, it is right. Yes sheep for this holiday! But you know it well, you cannot afford it.

To be frank this has been dizzying your mind round the clock along the previous few days. How beit, this is the final day to conclude your calculation and make it happen, at any cost.

After going through various options, to you and someone with you -maybe your spouse- borrowing some money has appeared to be a wonderful idea. Can you see how smart you are? But, the person from whom you both have agreed to borrow the money is not a spendthrift as far as holidays are concerned. That undermines your wisdom for two things. First, how can you convince this person? You will look absurd before this person eyes. Second, you need to give the money back on a day you will promise to.

Well, to be in such pressing situation is undesirable, yet unavoidable.

Let us resume our conversion. And you guys agreed to sit and discuss this matter. But, it is a waste of time. This is for obvious reason, demands will roar at eve of holidays than other days.

It is transparent that the only generous being who never denies you such blessings is this person. You say your prayers “please my creator give me grace before this guy and adjust the guy’s gage of kindness to a level that the provisions become a girt....”

This seems a good idea. And who knows? The person may hear your lame reasons with open hearts. Your reasons may appear firm before him. And you may get all the courage on the spot of your conversation to convince him more. Who knows? And there is Amharic proverb which read as “Kale Menager, dej azmach'enet yeakeral ” may be synonymous with what the great educator Jean-Jacques Rousseau's absolute silence leads to sadness. It is the image of death. Yes!

And you need to head for it soon, very soon as the only way out from your problem is facing this person. Still, doubts are seen on your face. But why? You have thought about it round the clock.

One more good reason, debits are practiced even by the most developed countries late alone you. China borrows money to USA. Do you think this is real? Yes it is. Why do the Americans fail to live without debits? We do not know. But, money circulates. Look my friend, America borrows to European countries, European countries to African countries or to Latin … it is vicious circle. It has no end. May be the man may pity you in the end and call off all the debits.

Thus, you should not afraid to borrow. By the way, what if one of you die in the middle and does not it mean death clears you from debits? Thanks for our traditional borrowing scheme. I mean, the matter usually stays between you and the person who borrows you.

Good, you have dressed so smartly. It seems you are not short of money to celebrate the holiday. But, some notes exactly enough to buy ticket for your travel is in your pocket. Alas! Appearances are deceitful. Indeed, if you like to borrow from this person, getting grace before him earlier than sunrise is better. You can reach at the time when the person says morning prayers. But, it requires great patience. Because the person’s lengthy prayers may tempt you and miss your opportunity. Tell yourself that his prayers are crushing the devil sprit with you and be firm.

May be, the person got prospered as a result of it. Who knows? Some people like you work hard but lead same lives always. And some others work little or even live better lives without working.

Anyways, you are also lucky. Imagine if you had never known someone to borrow money. It would have been an insult on an injury. At least you have someone to ask for money. Plus, the person has understood why you are there. I mean it, you are lucky. There are some fellows who even could not tell their problems and misconceived. But, your face can tell what you need.

Okay now the money you need is in your hand. Do not forget the person’s instructions. You need to buy a fattened sheep for him. And skin it on the morning of the holiday. Actually that is easy. In doing so, you can get debit relief as the person promised you.

Amazing, a rolling stone gathers no moss. It is right! Had you concealed your problems, you could have missed this opportunity. It also partly is because of my advice. Do not ever forget the favor I deed to you.

Now you are complete, but I am feeling jealous. And will set you a trap. It is easy. Your wearing style and the money you have in your pocket matches now.

Your highness is now at a market. People are hustling and bustling in the busy market not as usual. It is a holiday market and there is a tough crowed. And it is not easy to buy two sheep, one of which for your big master. If the master does not like your selection, the debits are likely to be paid until its last penny. The brokers are really untrained pigs. They would do anything to get money from each sale of sheep both from you and the trader.

Thanks finally you have got the right sheep for your master as well as for you. Oromi! You said in your heart. And insert your hands in your pocket. No. it was in the other pocket. And you searched all your pockets. But, the money is lost. You stand pale. All your grace vanished from you. How come? You start to be neck-to-neck with all the brokers that surrounds you. But, it would serve nothing. And you head for your house desperately cursing your day, my advice, your spouse, that person who really pretends praying (you say this in your hearts) everything. What a Gloomy day. Imagine, now your debits are doubled.

“Answer him” says your spouse as your master called, “what can I tell this person, how can I utter the words,” you replied.

Your spouse answered the phone. “Dear Master, it is very annoying to hear this for you and a great sadness befallen up on us, all the money was taken.”

“Tell this guy to talk to me or… only convey my message, the maiden got the money on the sofa. And I need the sheep by the evening. The money can be taken from the maiden.” The master finished the good news.

You soon turgid with pleasure and bounce on the floor until you happiness seems to lose limits. And took the phone from your spouse and answered him, “Ahh…. No. No. I now feast the holiday, tell this person I will not come anymore.”